双语新闻：中美文化差异何其大

2014-08-20 16:33:47来源：可可英语

　　Aaron Friedberg, a Princeton University professor, says that for Americans, “the success of amainland [Chinese] regime that blends authoritarian rule with market-driven economics is anaffront.” For members of the US foreign-policy elite, the Chinese threat is not so muchgeopolitical as ideological.

　　普林斯顿大学(Princeton University)的阿龙•弗里德伯格(Aaron Friedberg)教授表示，在美国人看来，“中国大陆政权将威权统治和市场导向的经济学结合在一起所取得的成功是一种侮辱”。对美国上层外交政策制定者来说，中国威胁更多是意识形态层面的，而不是地缘政治上的。

　　Powerful external and domestic forces are putting the US and China on the road toconfrontation. China aspires to be the regional hegemon in east (and southeast) Asia. The US– the incumbent hegemon, having dominated the region since 1945 – is blocking its path.

　　各种强有力的内外因素正把美中推上对抗之路。中国渴望成为东亚(以及东南亚)地区的霸主，而自1945年以来主导该地区的现任霸主美国则拦在路上。

　　Yet America’s predominance in east Asia contributes little to the security of a nation whosegeography and unsurpassed military capabilities would anyway make it close to invulnerable.The US is the most secure great power in history – even more so if you factor in thedeterrent effect of nuclear weapons. The true cause of American insecurity is not animminent encroachment on its territory but the risk that US alliances – especially with Japan –will draw it into a regional conflict.

　　然而，在东亚地区的主导地位并不会让美国更安全——不管怎样，美国所处的地理位置和拥有的无可匹敌的军事能力让其处于一种近乎无懈可击的状态。美国是历史上最安全的大国——如果你考虑到核武器的威慑作用，就会更肯定这一点。美国真正的不安全因素不是其疆域会遭到入侵，而是同盟关系——尤其是美日同盟——将其拖入地区冲突的风险。

　　The US wants to maintain its east Asian dominance to keep the region’s markets open toAmerican goods and its people open to liberal ideas. China threatens this openness, on whichAmerica’s security is wrongly believed to depend.

　　美国希望保持在东亚地区的主导地位，以让该地区的市场继续向美国商品开放，其民众继续接受自由主义思想的熏陶。中国威胁到了这种开放，而美国的安全被错误地以为依赖于这种开放。

　　The liberal assumptions embedded in American foreign policy put the US at odds with China,and also heighten Beijing’s mistrust of Washington’s intentions and ambitions. The spiral ofanimosity that threatens to culminate in a confrontation between the two countries is inlarge part a creation of American policy.

　　美国外交政策中蕴含的自由主义思想导致美国与中国立场不一致，也加深了北京方面对华盛顿意图和抱负的不信任感。这种不断增长的、有可能在两国对抗中达到顶峰的敌意，在很大程度上是美国政策导致的。

　　As China’s rises, Washington has a last clear chance to avoid the looming Sino-Americanconflict.

　　在中国的崛起过程中，美国有最后的避让机会，可以避免不断迫近眼前的中美冲突真正爆发。

　　This would entail making real concessions on Taiwan and on China’s territorial claims in the Eastand South China Seas. It would also involve a commitment that Washington would notinterfere in China’s internal affairs.

　　这需要美国在台湾问题以及中国涉及东中国海和南中国海的领土主张上做出真正的妥协。此外美国也需承诺不干预中国内部事务。

　　America’s political culture – based on exceptionalism, liberal ideology, and openness – is a bigobstacle to coming to terms with a resurgent China. So is the fact that the foreign-policy eliteremains wedded to American primacy, and refuses to accept that this will inevitably slip awaybecause of the relative decline of US power.

　　美国建立在例外主义、自由主义思想和开放观念等基础之上的政治文化，是影响美国接受复兴的中国的一大障碍。另一个障碍是，美国外交政策圈子中的精英们依然痴迷于“美国主导地位”，并拒绝接受这种地位随着美国实力相对衰落必将丧失的观点。

本文关键字: 双语新闻中美文化差异何其大