口译材料：美驻华大使洪博培的清华演讲

　　2010: The Year of Decision

　　--Remarks by Jon Huntsman, U.S. Ambassador to the People’s Republic of China

　　Tsinghua University, Beijing, China

　　March 18, 2010

　　2010年：作出决定的一年

　　——美国驻华大使洪博培的演讲

　　中国 北京 清华大学

　　2010年3月18日

　　全文涉及中美关系的方方面面，可谓着实体现美方的用意。有客观，有期待，有乐观，也有一定政治目的。希望各位带着critical thinking阅读部分观点。let's set aside the petty grievances. No politics~but language！

　　全文通篇遍布着中高级口译二阶段中的考点和高频词组。我对其中一些做了批注，供各位学友参考。

　　有些内容是常考句，比如："把两国关系带到新的高度。"“互利共赢”等等需要大家非常熟悉。You've got to be intimately familiar with them.

　　请大家做个有心人。摘录一些，背诵，朗读。

　　It is a great pleasure to be able to speak to you today and celebrate – a little in advance – Tsinghua’s 100th anniversary. The United States has a special connection with this university. When Teddy Roosevelt was President, the U.S. government established a scholarship program for Chinese students with funds from the indemnity （指战败国的赔偿和补偿，类似于compensation, 尤其特殊性）imposed on the Qing Dynasty for supporting the Boxer Rebellion(义和团也叫义和拳，所以有Boxer一说，这句话很不好理解，需要借助下面的背景，罚清政府，主要是因为支持了这场运动。). The “American Indemnity College” (Meiguo Peikuan Xuexiao), founded in 1911 through this program, helped some of China’s top students prepare for study in the U.S.

　　非常高兴今天能够对你们讲话并提前一点庆祝清华大学成立100周年。美国与这所大学有着特殊的关系。当泰迪·罗斯福还是总统的时候，美国政府用强加于清朝的支持义和团运动赔款之基金，为中国学生设立了一个奖学金项目。通过此项目而创立于1911年的“美国赔款学校”曾帮助中国优秀学生中的一些人准备在美国的学习。

　　(背景介绍：

　　义和团，又称义和拳、义和团事件、庚子事变，或贬称为“拳匪”、“拳乱”、“庚子拳乱”等，是19世纪末中国发生的一场以“扶清灭洋”为口号，针对西方在华人士包括在华传教士及中国基督徒所进行大规模群众暴力运动。

　　在义和团运动中，有240多名外国传教士及2万多名中国基督徒死亡（根据教会方面的统计）；也有许多与教会无关的中国人被义和团杀害，数量远超被害教民，难以统计（单北京死于义和团手下的有十数万人）；死亡的义和团拳民、义和团支持者以及其他中国人也不计其数，数量未有统计。)

　　Among the many prominent Chinese who benefited from this scholarship were the philosopher Hu Shih, the Nobel Prize-winning physicist Chen Ning Yang, the mathematician Kai Lai Chung, and the astronautical engineer Qian Xuesen, who later founded China’s rocket program. So successful was this program, in fact, that the Fulbright Scholarship – the premier American scholarship program today – was modeled after it（模仿） . And as you know, in 1928, the American Indemnity College became Tsinghua University. We are pleased to be so intimately associated with your founding and evolution. And we celebrate with you 100 years of friendship, and Tsinghua’s proud history as one of China’s top academic institutions.

　　在众多著名的从这个奖学金受益的华人中，有哲学家胡适、诺贝尔物理奖得主杨振宁、数学家钟开莱以及后来开创了中国火箭项目的航天工程师钱学森。这个项目是如此成功，以至于，事实上，富布赖特奖学金计划——今日美国顶尖的奖学金计划——就是仿照它而来的。而正如你们所知，在1928年，美国赔款学校成为清华大学。我们很高兴能够如此密切地与你们的成立和发展相连。并且，我们与你们共庆100年的友谊及清华大学作为中国顶尖学术机构之一的骄傲历史。

　　A long-time China hand once told me that any time is an interesting time to be in China. But I would suggest to you that this year, the Year of the Tiger, is likely to be the most important in the 30-year history of U.S.-China diplomatic relations. This is not because of recent tensions over arms sales to Taiwan or the President’s meeting with the Dalai Lama. We’ve had and managed these differences for the past 30 years and at the same time have been able to develop a broad and productive relationship. Rather what makes this year so pivotal is that it is one in which we must take action and make real progress on pressing global challenges like economic recovery, nuclear proliferation and climate change. What we do together this year will help define how we address the challenges ahead of us this decade.

　　一个长期的中国通曾经告诉我，在中国任何时候都是一个有趣的时候。不过，我会提示你今年，虎年，很可能是美中外交关系30年历史中最重要的。这不是因为最近关于售台武器或总统与达赖喇嘛会面的紧张局势。我们在过去30年已经有过并管理过这些分歧，并同时能够发展一个广泛而富有成效的关系。相反，使今年如此关键的是，它是我们必须采取行动并就经济复苏、核扩散和气候变化等紧迫的全球性挑战取得真正进展的一年。我们今年一起做的事情将帮助确定我们如何应对这十年摆在我们面前的挑战。

　　These are challenges no one country alone can solve. That’s why Deputy Secretary of State Jim Steinberg was here just a couple of weeks ago and emphasized that on all these matters we need to look forward, not backward, be creative and talk, talk, talk. Leaders in both China and the United States recognize that as two of the world’s three largest economies, two of the world’s largest populations, two of the world’s largest militaries, and the world’s largest consumers of energy and producers of carbon emissions(消耗量和排放量第一的地道说法，请注意！), we share a responsibility to work together to find creative solutions to today’s problems. Together we can bring the rest of the international community along with us and make real progress on these issues. Together we can build the kind of positive, cooperative and comprehensive relationship our two presidents envision(设想，展望).

　　这些是没有一个国家能够单独解决的挑战。这就是为什么副国务部长吉姆·斯坦伯格只几周前在这里，并强调在所有这些问题上，我们要往前而不是往后看，具有创造性，并谈，谈，谈。中国和美国的领导人都认识到，作为世界上三个最大经济体中的两个，世界上人口最多的国家中的两个，世界上最大军力中的两个，以及世界上最大的能源消费者和碳排放生产者，我们共担一个责任来共同努力，找到今天问题的创造性解决方案。我们能够一起使国际社会其他成员一道与我们在这些问题上取得真正进展。我们能够共同建设我们两国元首所构想的一种积极、合作和全面的关系。

　　I’m naturally an optimist. But I’m also someone who’s been interested and involved in the U.S.-China relationship for the past 30 years. I’ve seen enough ups and downs to know that the recent turbulence we’ve experienced is part of a natural cycle.（非常diplomatic的说法，也很profession, 收集, 背诵！） Of course, I’d also like us to find ways out of this cyclicality（cyclical unemployment 周期性失业。=cyclic）, but our relationship is mature and stable enough to weather our differences(渡过危机，weather crisis ). I am convinced that blue skies are already on the horizon. I expect we’ll be well on our way to regaining the high cruising altitude（比high level更深刻） we achieved in the relationship last year by the opening of the Shanghai Expo in May. And I’m confident we’ll see real progress on the global challenges we face when we come together again for the next round of the S&ED before summer and when President Hu visits the U.S. this year, as he told President Obama he would.

　　我是一个天生乐观主义者。但我也是一个在过去30年一直感兴趣于并参与了美中关系的人。我已看过足够多的起伏，以至于知道我们所经历的最近的动荡是自然循环的一部分。当然，我还希望我们能够找到方法走出这种周期性。我们的关系足够成熟和稳定以经得起我们的分歧。我确信湛蓝的天空已经在地平线上。我期望在5月份上海世博会开幕之前，我们将重新达到我们关系在去年所取得的高的巡航高度。而且我相信当我们为夏季之前的下一轮战略与经济对话再次聚首，及当胡锦涛主席今年访问美国时，正如他告诉欧巴马总统那样，我们会看到在我们所面临的的全球性挑战方面的真正进展。

　　Reason for Optimism

　　乐观的原因

　　One of the reasons I’m optimistic is because I’ve seen where we’ve been and how far we’ve come.(客套句型) Thirty years ago, the United States faced stagflation（这是个合成词：stagnation停滞+inflation通胀=滞涨，经济术语）, high unemployment and declining standards of living. Confidence in the American economic model had been undermined(或者也可以说erode, 信心受挫), and the Watergate scandal and the Vietnam War had shaken confidence in the American political model. So great were anxieties about the future that President Carter gave a speech in July 1979 entitled “America’s Crisis of Confidence,” in which he called for renewed faith in the American system. Everywhere you looked, people were saying that America was in decline and would soon lose its leading role in the international system.But then an interesting thing happened. On the political front, we regained our confidence by holding fast to(千万别勿翻! =hold firmly) the values that have made our nation a source of inspiration for people around the world. And on the economic front, we bounced back (=rebound)stronger than ever, thanks to innovation and new technologies. Bill Gates came out of nowhere (个人认为翻译成“白手起家的Bill Gates”更好)and co-founded Microsoft. Steve Jobs came out of nowhere and co-founded Apple. The Internet revolutionized the way we get information and the way we communicate. Innovations like these laid the foundation for the next 30 years of economic growth in the United States. And innovations we can’t even imagine – but perhaps tied to health care, clean energy and biotechnologies – will make us even stronger in the future. We are committed to sharing these strengths and innovations with the global community.

　　我乐观的原因之一是因为我看到过我们曾经的所在及我们从多远走来。 30年前，美国面临滞胀、高失业率和生活水准下降。对美国经济模式的信心遭到了破坏，水门丑闻和越南战争也动摇了对美国政治模式的信心。对未来的焦虑是如此巨大，以至于卡特总统于1979年7月发表了题为“美国的信任危机”的演说，他在演说中呼吁恢复对美国制度的信念。环顾所有地方，人们都在说，美国在衰退，并会很快失去其在国际体系中的主导作用。但那时一个有趣的事情发生了。在政治方面，通过坚守那些使我们国家成为激励世界各地人们的源泉的价值观念，我们重拾了我们的信心。而在经济方面，拜创新与新技术之赐，我们比以往任何时候都反弹得更强劲。比尔·盖茨从不知何处冒了出来，并共同创建了微软。史蒂夫·乔布斯从不知何处冒了出来，共同创立了苹果。互联网革命化了我们获取信息的方式和我们沟通的方式。这样的创新为美国下一个30年的经济增长奠定了基础。而我们甚至不能想象的——但也许与保健、清洁能源和生物技术相关的——创新，将会令我们在将来甚至更加强大。我们致力于与国际社会分享这些优势和创新。

　　Thirty years ago, China also faced an uncertain future. The country had just emerged from a decade of enormous social, economic and political upheaval(=turbulence). And Deng Xiaoping’s “reform and opening up” (gaige kaifang) policies were still untested. But China’s commitment to a policy of engagement with the world and its gradual integration into the international system proved tremendously beneficial and contributed to the prosperity and stability of the past 30 years.

　　30年前，中国还面临着一个不确定的未来。这个国家刚刚摆脱了十年巨大的社会、经济和政治动荡。邓小平的“改革开放”政策还未得到检验。但是，中国对一个与世界打交道的政策的承诺及它与国际体系的逐渐融合，证明极其有益于并促进了过去30年的繁荣与稳定。

　　China’s economic growth in that time has been nothing short of amazing. China’s GDP has increased 82-fold since 1979, lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty in the process, an accomplishment unparalleled in human history. Much of this growth has been driven by exports. Thirty years ago, China’s share of global trade was less than 0.1%. Today, it is more than 10%. This trade has created hundreds of thousands of jobs and fueled economic growth.

　　中国那时的经济增长一直让人惊叹。自1979年以来，中国的GDP增长了82倍，在此过程中使亿万人民摆脱贫困，一个人类历史上前所未有的成就。这一增长的许多是由出口带动的。 30年前，中国的全球贸易份额不到0.1％。今天，它超过了10％。这种贸易创造了数十万的就业机会，并刺激了经济增长。

　　China’s economic development and integration into the international system have gone hand-in-hand with the strengthening of the U.S.-China relationship. When President Carter sent National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski to China in 1979 to formally establish diplomatic relations, there were only 1,500 foreigners in Beijing. Today, there are more than that connected to the U.S. Mission（delegation?） in China alone, and more Americans across China than in the state of Montana.

　　中国的经济发展和融入国际体系与美中关系的加强同步进行。1979年当卡特总统派遣国家安全顾问布热津斯基到中国正式建立关系时，只有1500名外国人在北京。今天，在中国的仅与美国使团相关的人就比那更多，在中国各地的美国人比蒙塔纳州的还多。

　　Thirty years ago, U.S.-China trade was miniscule(原指小写字体，这里指微不足道，类似的说法有：negligible，of trifling importance...). Before coming to Beijing last summer, I read President George Herbert Walker Bush’s memoirs about his time as head of the U.S. Mission here in the 1970s. In one chapter, he laments that bilateral trade in 1974 had dropped from $1 billion to $500 million. Today, the state of Utah, where I served as governor, now exports more than that to China each year. Just one U.S. state. Our overall trading relationship is now nearly $400 billion strong and will soon become the largest trading relationship in the world.

　　30年前，美国与中国的贸易微乎其微。在去年夏天来北京之前，我读到美国总统乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什关于他1970年代作为美国在这里的使团团长时期的回忆录。在一章中，他感叹，1974年的双边贸易从10亿美元下降到5亿美元。今天，在我曾担任州长的油塔州，现在每年出口到中国的比这还多。只一个美国的州。我们的整体贸易关系正接近于4000亿美元强，并将不久成为世界上最大的贸易关系。

　　Thirty years ago, the flow of people(人员往来，书本上常说personnel exchange) between our two countries was extremely limited. In the last year alone, however, our Embassy and Consulates in China issued nearly half a million visas to Chinese citizens traveling to the U.S. for business, tourism, family reunions – you name it. There are now nearly 100,000 Chinese students studying in the United States, and nearly 20,000 Americans studying in China, a number we hope to increase five-fold over the next four years.

　　30年前，我们两国之间的人员往来极为有限。然而，仅在过去的一年，我们驻中国的使馆和领事馆向前往美国从事商务、观光、家庭团聚——随你点——的中国公民发出了近50万份签证。现在有近10万名中国学生在美国学习，有近2万名美国人在中国学习，一个我们希望能在未来4年增加5倍的数字。

　　The United States has supported and contributed to China’s rise as a global player every step of the way because we recognize that a China that is strong, prosperous and engaged on international issues contributes to global prosperity and stability. We now have a very complex relationship, and we work together on an unbelievably wide range of issues – everything from energy efficient building codes to counternarcotics(反毒, narcotics, illict drugs ) to global health. And as just one example, I just returned from Zhengzhou where our National Institutes of Health cooperated to open a new tuberculosis research center that will help us better understand and treat this disease in China and around the world.

　　在中国上升为一个全球参与者的每一步，美国一直都支持和贡献了力量。因为我们认识到，一个强大，繁荣和参与国际问题的中国有利于世界的繁荣与稳定。我们有一个非常复杂的关系，而且我们在一系列广泛得难以置信的问题上合作——从能效建筑规范，反毒，到全球卫生。而且正如一个具体的例子，我刚从郑州回来，在那里，我们的国家卫生研究院合作成立一个新的结核病研究中心，它将有助于我们更好地在中国和世界各地了解和治疗这种疾病。

　　The relationship between our countries is even broader when you look at the people-to-people connections. There are a myriad of (=enormous）sister-state and sister-city relationships, joint ventures, cultural and educational exchanges, business relationships, students, families and friendships that bridge the Pacific and bind our two countries together. My family is an example.

　　当你看人民与人民的联系，我们两国之间的关系则更加广阔。有无数的姐妹州和姐妹城市关系，合资企业，文化和教育交流，商务关系，学生，家庭和友谊，把太平洋（两岸）连结起来并把我们两国紧密结合在一起。我的家庭就是一个例子。

　　In fact, the U.S.-China relationship is so large and complex that any way you describe it is probably accurate on some level. But in evaluating the relationship and the impact we’ve made, I think you have to ask are we better off today? Is the region more stable? More prosperous? Absolutely, no doubt about it! And we’ve accomplished all this despite our differences – differences we’ve had for 30 years but that haven’t prevented us from moving forward on other issues. This is an important lesson for us today, and one of the reasons I think I’m justified in being optimistic about where the relationship is headed.

　　事实上，美中关系如此庞大而复杂，以致于你怎么描述它都可能在一定程度上是准确的。但是，在评估关系以及我们所产生的影响的过程中，我想你要问，我们今天比以前更好吗？本地区更稳定吗？更繁荣吗？肯定是的，毫无疑问！而且我们已经实现了这一切，尽管我们有分歧，——我们30年来的分歧，但那并没有阻止我们前进处理其他问题。今天，这对我们来说是重要的经验，我想也是我对关系的发展方向表示乐观的理由之一。

　　Addressing Our Differences

　　解决我们的分歧

　　Now I’ve spent a lot of time talking about areas of cooperation between the U.S. and China. This is not to downplay(个人认为这里翻译成低估有歧义，翻成“轻描淡写”更恰当) our differences, but rather to put them in their proper context both historically and in the broad scope of our overall relationship.

　　我已经花了很多时间谈美国与中国之间的合作领域。这并非低估我们的分歧，而是把它们放进它们的恰当的历史背景和我们范围广阔的整体关系的背景中去。

　　China’s worldview is shaped by Confucian values and a 5,000-year history marked by revolution and reform. The American worldview is based on the compact created by our founding fathers, our Constitution, and an imperfect quest to improve the human condition both at home and abroad. These differences don’t mean our cultures are destined to clash, but rather that we must work harder to understand each other.

　　中国的世界观是由儒家价值观和以革命和改革为特征的5000年的历史塑造的。美国世界观建立在我们的开国之父，我们的宪法，以及对改善国内和国外的人类生活状况的一种不完美的追求所创建的契约之上。这些分歧并不意味着我们的文化注定要发生冲突，而是（意味着）我们必须更加努力地了解对方。

　　Our leaders recognize this, which is why they concentrated last year on getting to know one another better and defining our priorities together. It was a positive year in terms of relationship building. But this year we’re putting the relationship to the test in trying to take it to a new level of cooperation. To put our relationship on a more stable and mature footing, we have to delink our differences on bilateral issues from our cooperation on global issues, including nonproliferation.

　　我们的领导人认识到这点，这也是为什么他们把去年集中用于更好地解彼此并共同确定我们的优先事项。在建设关系方面，（去年）是积极的一年。但今年我们正让关系经受试图把它带到一个新的合作水平的考验。为了把我们之间的关系放在一个更加稳定和成熟的基础上，我们必须把我们双边关系中的分歧与我们在全球问题包括不扩散上的合作脱钩。

　　Differences on Taiwan and Tibet cannot, must not, prevent us from working together to create jobs, address climate change, and prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapons capability. Finding solutions to these problems is simply too important to be derailed by differences we’ve had and managed for the last 30 years. This is why early on Secretary Clinton said that while the United States would always strongly defend human rights as one of its core values, we would not allow disagreements on this issue to prevent us from cooperating with China in resolving pressing global challenges. We hope China will do the same with regard to Taiwan and Tibet, and do so explicitly.

　　在台湾和西藏问题上的分歧不能，绝不能阻止我们共同努力去创造业机会，讨论气候变化，并防止伊朗发展核武器能力。找到这些问题的解决方案简直太重要了，不能被我们过去30年所面对和处理的分歧所阻断。这就是为什么克林顿部长说，虽然美国将始终坚定地捍卫作为其核心价值观之一的人权，我们不会让这个问题上的分歧防止我们与中国合作，以解决紧迫的全球性挑战。我们希望中国对待台湾和西藏问题的做法是相同的，并且明确地这样做。

　　The longer we wait, the harder these challenges will be to resolve. On the economic front, we need to show real progress this year in creating jobs and rebalancing our economies to demonstrate to increasingly impatient domestic constituencies（拥护者，选民, voter） that our economic relationship continues to be equally beneficial to both countries. On the U.S. side, this means saving more and spending less, reforming our financial system, reducing our long-term deficit and exporting more. On China’s side, we hope to see more flexibility on the exchange rate, more domestic consumption, a stronger social safety network, a greater commitment to protecting intellectual property rights, and continued open access to Chinese markets. We also need to demonstrate to other countries that two of the world’s largest trading partners will continue to adhere to the rules of free trade and work to resolve trade disputes through the WTO, as we have done. In this way, we can lay the foundation for long-term economic growth in both of our countries.

　　我们等待的时间越长，这些挑战就越难以解决。在经济方面，我们今年必须在创造就业，重新平衡我们的经济方面显示切实进展，以向两国国内越来越不耐烦的选民展示我们的经济关系继续对两国同样有利。在美国方面，这意味着更多的储蓄，更少的开支，改革我们的金融体系，减少我们的长期赤字和更多的出口。在中国方面，我们希望看到更多的有关汇率的灵活性，更多的国内消费，一个更强有力的社会保障网络，在保护知识产权方面更加努力，并继续开放中国市场准入。我们还需要向其他国家展示，世界上最大的贸易伙伴之中的两个将继续坚持自由贸易规则，并努力通过WTO解决贸易争端，正如同我们已经做的。这样，我们能够为我们两国长期的经济增长奠定基础。

　　On Iran, we must take immediate action to prevent the leadership in Tehran from developing a nuclear weapons capability and further threatening the region. China has enormous energy needs and imported more oil from Saudi Arabia last year than did the United States. Tensions in the Middle East have an impact on the price of oil internationally and can adversely affect China’s development strategies. We both have an interest in ensuring that the region is stable and secure, and in preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, which threatens the security of both of our countries. So we look to China to support strong sanctions should Iran continue to stall on the dialogue track.(get stalled 被拖延) We also hope China will work with us on other important nonproliferation efforts, and pursue ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, support negotiations on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty and actively participate in next month’s Nuclear Security Summit.

　　在伊朗问题上，我们必须立即采取行动防止德黑兰的领导层发展核武器能力，并进一步威胁该地区。中国有巨大的能源需求，而且去年比美国从沙特阿拉伯进口了更多的石油。中东地区的紧张局势对国际石油价格有一定影响，并能对中国的发展战略产生不利影响。在确保该地区的稳定和安全，以及防止威胁我们两国安全的核武器扩散方面，我们都有利益。因此，如果伊朗在对话的轨道上继续拖延的话，我们期待中国支持强硬制裁伊朗。我们还希望中国会与我们在其他重要防扩散努力中合作，并致力于批准全面禁止核试验条约，支持禁止生产裂变材料条约的谈判，以及积极参与下月举行的核安全峰会。

　　On climate change, we need to show real progress this year towards an agreement on establishing verifiable emissions (or producer）of greenhouse gases, we have a responsibility to lead the way in ensuring that the next international climate change summit in Mexico is a success. We also need to continue working together to develop and implement new energy conservation measures. And one of the ways we can do this is by strongly supporting and funding the recently-established U.S.-China Clean Energy Research Center. The environmental, social and economic costs of failing to act, and act now, on climate change would be catastrophic.

　　关于气候变化，我们今年必须在一项（关于）建立可核查的减排目标的协议方面显示切实进展。作为世界上两个最大的温室气体排放国，我们有责任带头确保在墨西哥举行的下一次国际气候变化峰会取得成功。我们还需要继续合作，制定和实施新的节能措施。而且我们能够做到这一点的办法之一是大力支持和资助最近成立的美中清洁能源研究中心。不采取或不现在就采取行动应对气候变化，其环境、社会和经济代价将是灾难性的。