双语时事：安倍内阁解禁日本集体自卫权

2014-07-09 15:22:22来源：可可英语

　　“If NGOs very close to Japanese camps are attacked, the SDF may not be able to help,” says Yoshiki Mine, a former diplomat in charge of talks with North Korea. “This is very, very odd.”

　　“如果非常靠近日方营地的非政府组织遭到攻击，自卫队未必能提供帮助，”曾负责与朝鲜谈判的前外交官美根庆树(Yoshiki Mine)表示，“这是非常、非常奇怪的。”

　　But many resent the way the prime minister has gone about it. Critics argue that the shift amounts to, in effect, a rewriting of Japan’s constitution, but without any attempt to clear the requisite hurdle of a two-thirds majority in both houses of parliament, followed by a national referendum.

　　但是，很多日本人对首相在这件事上的具体做法不满。批评者提出，解禁集体自卫权实际上是对日本宪法的重写，但并没有寻求按正式程序在国会两院以超过三分之二的多数票通过、然后举行全民公投。

　　Article 9 of the constitution states that “the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes”. The charter has not been revised since it was adopted in 1947.

　　日本宪法第九条声明：“日本国民衷心谋求基于正义与秩序的国际和平，永远放弃以国家权力发动的战争、使用武力或武力威胁作为解决国际争端的手段。”这部宪法自1947年通过以来从未修订。

　　The Japanese are still “very attached to the principle of pacifism in the postwar regime”, says Jiro Yamaguchi, a professor of political science at Hosei University, who is among a group of more than 500 scholars opposed to the move. “We are against the amendment of the constitution without formal procedures.”

　　日本法政大学(Hosei University)政治学教授山口二郎(Jiro Yamaguchi)是逾500名反对此举的学术界人士之一。他表示，日本人仍然“非常重视战后政权的和平主义原则……我们反对不走正式程序的修宪行为。”

　　Mr Abe’s supporters claim the SDF’s looser mandate is nothing to be afraid of. Shinichi Kitaoka, a former Japanese ambassador to the UN who served as the deputy chairman of a panel advising on reinterpreting the constitution, says the shift should be seen as a continuation of the government’s efforts to beef up its defence policy, including the creation last year of a US-style national security council and the introduction of tougher laws to penalise leaks of classified information.

　　安倍的支持者称，放宽自卫队的权限没什么可怕的。日本前驻联合国大使、就重新解释宪法提供建议的顾问委员会副主席北冈伸一(Shinichi Kitaoka)表示，这一转变应被视为政府加强国防政策的努力的延续，这些努力包括去年组建一个美国式的国家安全委员会，以及出台惩罚泄密的更严厉法律。

　　Mr Kitaoka also notes that there have been reinterpretations of the constitution before, allowing Japan to establish the SDF in 1954, for example, and to support US forces overseas in 2001. But to many, defending allies even when Japan itself is not under direct attack stretches the definition of the “minimum” level of armed strength enshrined in Japan’s fundamental concepts of national defence.

　　北冈还指出，以前也有对宪法的重新解释，比如1954年允许日本建立自卫队，以及2001年允许自卫队在海外支援美军。但对许多人来说，在日本自身没有直接受到攻击的情况下去保卫盟国，这与日本国防根本概念中神圣不可侵犯的“最低”水平军力的定义实在难以吻合。

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