So let me spend the rest of my time describing my vision for how the United States of Americaand our military should lead in the years to come, for you will be part of that leadership.
First, let me repeat a principle I put forward at the outset of my presidency: The United Stateswill use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it -- when ourpeople are threatened, when our livelihoods are at stake, when the security of our allies is indanger. In these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actionsare proportional and effective and just. International opinion matters, but America shouldnever ask permission to protect our people, our homeland, or our way of life. (Applause.)
On the other hand, when issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the UnitedStates, when such issues are at stake -- when crises arise that stir our conscience or pushthe world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us -- then the thresholdfor military action must be higher. In such circumstances, we should not go it alone. Instead,we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. We have to broaden our toolsto include diplomacy and development; sanctions and isolation; appeals to international law;and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action. In such circumstances, wehave to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely tosucceed, more likely to be sustained, less likely to lead to costly mistakes.
This leads to my second point: For the foreseeable future, the most direct threat to Americaat home and abroad remains terrorism. But a strategy that involves invading every countrythat harbors terrorist networks is naïve and unsustainable. I believe we must shift ourcounterterrorism strategy -- drawing on the successes and shortcomings of our experience inIraq and Afghanistan -- to more effectively partner with countries where terrorist networksseek a foothold.
And the need for a new strategy reflects the fact that today’s principal threat no longer comesfrom a centralized al Qaeda leadership. Instead, it comes from decentralized al Qaeda affiliatesand extremists, many with agendas focused in countries where they operate. And this lessensthe possibility of large-scale 9/11-style attacks against the homeland, but it heightens thedanger of U.S. personnel overseas being attacked, as we saw in Benghazi. It heightens thedanger to less defensible targets, as we saw in a shopping mall in Nairobi.
So we have to develop a strategy that matches this diffuse threat -- one that expands ourreach without sending forces that stretch our military too thin, or stir up local resentments.We need partners to fight terrorists alongside us. And empowering partners is a large part ofwhat we have done and what we are currently doing in Afghanistan.
Together with our allies, America struck huge blows against al Qaeda core and pushed backagainst an insurgency that threatened to overrun the country. But sustaining this progressdepends on the ability of Afghans to do the job. And that’s why we trained hundreds ofthousands of Afghan soldiers and police. Earlier this spring, those forces, those Afghan forces,secured an election in which Afghans voted for the first democratic transfer of power in theirhistory. And at the end of this year, a new Afghan President will be in office and America’scombat mission will be over. (Applause.)
Now, that was an enormous achievement made because of America’s armed forces. But as wemove to a train-and-advise mission in Afghanistan, our reduced presence allows us to moreeffectively address emerging threats in the Middle East and North Africa. So, earlier this year,I asked my national security team to develop a plan for a network of partnerships from SouthAsia to the Sahel. Today, as part of this effort, I am calling on Congress to support a newCounterterrorism Partnerships Fund of up to $5 billion, which will allow us to train, buildcapacity, and facilitate partner countries on the front lines. And these resources will give usflexibility to fulfill different missions, including training security forces in Yemen who have goneon the offensive against al Qaeda; supporting a multinational force to keep the peace inSomalia; working with European allies to train a functioning security force and border patrol inLibya; and facilitating French operations in Mali.
A critical focus of this effort will be the ongoing crisis in Syria. As frustrating as it is, there areno easy answers, no military solution that can eliminate the terrible suffering anytime soon.As President, I made a decision that we should not put American troops into the middle of thisincreasingly sectarian war, and I believe that is the right decision. But that does not mean weshouldn’t help the Syrian people stand up against a dictator who bombs and starves his ownpeople. And in helping those who fight for the right of all Syrians to choose their own future, weare also pushing back against the growing number of extremists who find safe haven in thechaos.
So with the additional resources I’m announcing today, we will step up our efforts to supportSyria’s neighbors -- Jordan and Lebanon; Turkey and Iraq -- as they contend with refugeesand confront terrorists working across Syria’s borders. I will work with Congress to ramp upsupport for those in the Syrian opposition who offer the best alternative to terrorists andbrutal dictators. And we will continue to coordinate with our friends and allies in Europe andthe Arab World to push for a political resolution of this crisis, and to make sure that thosecountries and not just the United States are contributing their fair share to support the Syrianpeople.
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