Keep in mind, not all international norms relate directly to armed conflict. We have a seriousproblem with cyber-attacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the roadto secure our networks and our citizens. In the Asia Pacific, we’re supporting Southeast Asiannations as they negotiate a code of conduct with China on maritime disputes in the SouthChina Sea. And we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law. That spiritof cooperation needs to energize the global effort to combat climate change -- a creepingnational security crisis that will help shape your time in uniform, as we are called on torespond to refugee flows and natural disasters and conflicts over water and food, which is whynext year I intend to make sure America is out front in putting together a global frameworkto preserve our planet.
You see, American influence is always stronger when we lead by example. We can’t exemptourselves from the rules that apply to everybody else. We can’t call on others to makecommitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it’staking place. We can’t try to resolve problems in the South China Sea when we have refused tomake sure that the Law of the Sea Convention is ratified by our United States Senate, despitethe fact that our top military leaders say the treaty advances our national security. That’s notleadership; that’s retreat. That’s not strength; that’s weakness. It would be utterly foreign toleaders like Roosevelt and Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy.
I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of my being. But what makes usexceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it is ourwillingness to affirm them through our actions. (Applause.) And that’s why I will continue topush to close Gitmo -- because American values and legal traditions do not permit theindefinite detention of people beyond our borders. (Applause.) That’s why we’re putting inplace new restrictions on how America collects and uses intelligence -- because we will havefewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conductingsurveillance against ordinary citizens. (Applause.) America does not simply stand for stability orthe absence of conflict, no matter what the cost. We stand for the more lasting peace thatcan only come through opportunity and freedom for people everywhere.
Which brings me to the fourth and final element of American leadership: Our willingness toact on behalf of human dignity. America’s support for democracy and human rights goesbeyond idealism -- it is a matter of national security. Democracies are our closest friends andare far less likely to go to war. Economies based on free and open markets perform better andbecome markets for our goods. Respect for human rights is an antidote to instability and thegrievances that fuel violence and terror.
A new century has brought no end to tyranny. In capitals around the globe -- including,unfortunately, some of America’s partners -- there has been a crackdown on civil society. Thecancer of corruption has enriched too many governments and their cronies, and enragedcitizens from remote villages to iconic squares. And watching these trends, or the violentupheavals in parts of the Arab World, it’s easy to be cynical.
But remember that because of America’s efforts, because of American diplomacy and foreignassistance as well as the sacrifices of our military, more people live under elected governmentstoday than at any time in human history. Technology is empowering civil society in ways that noiron fist can control. New breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out ofpoverty. And even the upheaval of the Arab World reflects the rejection of an authoritarianorder that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-term prospect of moreresponsive and effective governance.
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